by Ngo Tu Thanh (Frank Tu)

There has been an abundance of studies demonstrating that the outflow of people from rural areas to urban cities for work and education purposes is one of the main rural challenges. However, the outbreak of COVID-19 has forced countries around the world, including Japan, to utilize virtual modes of working and learning. Social distancing allows for greater flexibility since employees and students are no longer required to be physically present. As Zoom, Microsoft Teams, Webex, and other meeting applications became household names as a byproduct of COVID-19, I was really curious to figure out if the pandemic and the growing popularity of telework and e-learning might have any impact on rural Japan.

There have been reports of people fleeing Tokyo to other regions to escape COVID-19. For instance, 400,000 people were reported to have left Tokyo in 2020 [1], and the number of those moving away from Tokyo in 2022 was even higher than that in 2021 [2]. Moreover, telework also is said to have long-lasting potential. According to Yamamoto (2020), 25% of those who had worked remotely were interested in moving to rural areas. These numbers seem to suggest an increase of urban-rural migration in Japan against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic [3].

In order to further explicate the impact of COVID-19 on rural areas, I have conducted online interviews and written exchanges with five national policy actors in Japan. They include a high-ranking official at the Headquarters for Regional Revitalization (Cabinet Office), three Advisors for Regional Vitality (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications), and one high-ranking official of the Japan Organization for Internal Migration (JOIN).

It has become clear from the exchanges that all five research participants were optimistic about an increase in urban-rural migrants, particularly due to the growing popularity and adoption of telework and e-learning. However, whether telework can have long-lasting effects on rural areas depends on whether Japan’s companies and organizations continue to allow for this mode of working, even after the COVID pandemic. 

The official at the Headquarters for Regional Revitalization said that the COVID-19 pandemic might have had a positive impact on urban-rural migration, particularly due to people’s changing attitudes towards migration and the emergence of telework. He stated: “While the COVID-19 pandemic has caused damage to the regional economy and society, it has changed people’s mindset and behavior as evidenced by a decline in the net inflow of population into the Tokyo region, an increase in people’s interest in migration to regions and the penetration of telework.” [4]

The Advisors for Regional Vitality also were also in agreement regarding the roles of the COVID-19 pandemic and immigration. First, they believed that the pandemic might have presented a great opportunity for urban-rural migration. The advisors explained that telework allows employees to work from rural areas while still maintaining their urban salaries. This can increase employees’ disposable income as living expenses are comparatively cheaper in rural areas. Similarly, e-learning may also allow students to attend courses at universities in urban cities while living in their hometowns. However, according to the advisors, such a positive impact of COVID-19 on rural revitalization could only last in the long term if Japanese companies and organizations allowed for this new style of working to continue post-COVID. 

Similarly, the JOIN manager also believed that the pandemic would have a positive impact on migration to rural areas. He said that before the pandemic, many companies in Tokyo had already planned to move to telework for they expected that Tokyo would be overcrowded during the Tokyo Olympics. However, COVID-19 had accelerated the transition to telework. Indeed, he stated that Japanese people are moving and working remotely from places around Tokyo such as Chiba, Kanagawa, and Saitama. Finally, he also believed teleworking from places outside of Tokyo would increase disposable income.

In the early days of the pandemic, there were various efforts to incentivize Tokyo-based employees to work remotely from depopulated areas. For instance, in 2020 a company launched a “co-working space bus tour”, which visited different municipalities outside of Tokyo. The tour was a rare attempt in Japan to bring teleworkers together [5]. However, we are currently in the third year of the COVID-19 pandemic. As companies and educational institutions around Japan are slowly getting back to the traditional style that requires on-site presence, it is important to consider the potential of telework and e-learning for urban-rural migration and rural revitalization. Will Japan capitalize on this opportunity, or will it discard the three years of expertise with online working and learning? I would be very interested to follow up on this.  

References

[1] Teh, C. (2021) ‘400,000 people have fled Tokyo in a 2020 pandemic exodus, seeking cheaper and less crowded cities’, Insider. Available at: https://www.insider.com/400000-people-flee-tokyo-in-2020-pandemic-exodus-2021-3.

[2] Koizumi, H. (2022) ‘More people leave Tokyo’s 23 wards than move in during 2021’, The Asahi Shimbun. Available at: https://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/14538705.

[3] Yamamoto, T. (2020) ‘1 in 4 teleworkers mulling ditching Japan’s big cities for rural areas’, The Asahi Shimbun. Available at: https://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/13479412.

[4] Written response from the research participant (2021).

[5] Mainichi Shimbun (2020) ‘Rimōto wāku saizensen: kowākingu tsuā basu de katamichi 90 kiro idõshinagaramo hataraku hito mo aidea mo bunsan’. Available at: https://mainichi.jp/articles/20200124/ddm/012/100/077000c.

by Maritchu Durand

It has now been more than two years that the Covid-19 pandemic has affected many aspects of our lives, including the way we conduct research for our project. Since none of us could go to Japan to conduct fieldwork, we decided to broaden our perspective and to take a look at urban-rural migration in our vicinity. I had seen a short documentary on neo-rurals on the European public service channel arte [1] recently, featuring a community project founded by former residents of Berlin in the capital’s surrounding region Brandenburg. I contacted them and got a quick and positive response: our team was welcome to pay a visit if we wished to get to know the place better. On a cool Saturday morning at the end of March, we packed our sandwiches, put on our hiking shoes and set off to Brandenburg.

Without a car, there are two possibilities to go there: either by bus that drives by every hour or so, or a 10 kilometer walk. We chose the second option and passed through small sleepy villages in-between large fields and pine forests. Surrounded by nature, I was expecting to find a community embedded in its natural environment, with inclines towards self-sufficiency, organic produce and sustainable farming. Previously, I had heard of farms in Brandenburg selling their local produce on markets in the capital. But what we found was slightly different and surprising.

After a two hour walk and a cold picknick on the damp grass, we were happy to reach the small village where the community project is located. Just across the pebble stone road, facing the church, is the entrance of Hof Prädikow: an abandoned complex that hosted many different buildings for different activities such as a forge, a brewery, a bakery and different storage buildings. Passing the gates, we entered the first courtyard: while the small café, the adjacent barn and an old building were already in use, most of the other buildings were either under construction or still rather run down. As soon as we arrived, one of the residents, whom I had previously emailed, greeted and invited us to sit and enjoy some home-made sweets and coffee.

In the café, we had the opportunity to talk to our host about the community project, how it came to be and how it functioned. It is run by a collective that currently consists of 60 adults and 30 children, mainly from Berlin. All members have already moved or will soon be moving to the village. The community is organized in specialized groups that are responsible for and possess expertise on different key fields in the community. It is based on the principle of sociocracy. Each adult member has a voice and participates in the decision-making process. One of the important decisions the community collectively makes is whom to accept as a new member and resident. They receive many applications and carefully choose its members, making sure they fit their mindset and agree to their overall goal to live together. But what did those individuals seek in the countryside? For some, it is a life surrounded by nature to raise their children as well as a life within a community. The latter refers to the feeling of being part of a collective and being able to realize personal projects within a group. Most of the residents want to get away from the city. Although the community is not designed as a weekend destination some residents seem to still be very much connected to the capital and keep their apartments in the city to return whenever necessary.

While living in the cooperatively owned apartments, residents initiate different events and projects. One project is the Café where locals and visitors of all ages can meet while enjoying a drink, a hearty homemade meal or artisanal cakes. Other projects include as a co-working space, a barn for events organized by locals and newcomers. Realizing these projects and the costly renovation of the old buildings was only possible thanks to several sponsors. I was surprised to find out that many actors from NPOs to regional and national governments were involved in financing the project.

This was a very interesting trip that allowed us to get a glimpse into urban-rural migration at our doorsteps. It was not exactly what I had expected. While I thought I would find more connections to agriculture and nature, the focus of the community was rather on communal and shared living. I was also surprised by how popular communal living is in Germany, something I have not come across in Japan – at least to that extent. On the contrary, some problems seemed to be quite similar to what we have seen in Japan, especially the relationship they had with the local population, between consensus building, skeptical beginnings and ideological differences. Do these types of community also exist in Japan? This is a question yet to be explored.

[1] https://www.arte.tv/de/videos/093706-001-A/re-der-lockruf-der-provinz/

by Sarah Bijlsma

In order to make tamanu oil, you first need a tree known as penaga laut or nyamplung (Calophyllum inophyllum) or terihaboku in Japanese. In the local dialect of Ikema-jima, a small island just off the coast of Miyako, this tree is called yarab. The local population of Ikema-jima has been planting yarab trees since the times of the Ryūkyū Kingdom on shores and around agricultural fields. Together with the lower adan tree (Pandanus odoratissimus), these lines of vegetation serve as windbreaks against the strong northern winds that come from the ocean. As such, they protect crops from damage by outside forces, while simultaneously preventing ki (energy) to flow out of the island.

Yarab trees bloom in the spring and fall and often bear fruit throughout the year. The fruits are round and a few centimeters in size, have a greyish green color and pungent taste. While humans generally do not consume the fruits, the bats on Ikema-jima are fond of them. At night, they pick them from the trees and eat the pulp with their small teeth. The seed inside the fruit is too hard to eat and hence dropped. Bats only eat those fruits that are free from chemicals; finding yarab seeds on the ground is a sign that no pesticides are used.

The local population celebrates yarab trees as symbols of fertility and scolds them for the many seeds and fruits that are lying around everywhere. Yet, recently the Ikema residents began to view them from a new perspective. After working for seven years for the Ikema Welfare Support Center (Ikema fukushi shien sentaa), Kanagawa-born Tomoko Miwa realized that creating jobs for the island’s children in the future would help Ikema island the most. Together with her husband she started Yarabu Tree, a small company that plants yarab trees and produces tamanu oil from their seeds.

A first step in the oil production process is to go out and collect the seeds. In this, Tomoko and her husband are helped by Ikema’s obaa-san and ojii-san. At that point, the seeds are still wrapped in a hard brown shell that needs to be cracked with a hammer or nutcracker—another job for the elderly islanders. Tomoko explains to me that planting yarab trees helps against soil erosion, but the oil production process also enhances the social relationships between the islanders. “There are of course people who are not able to receive salaries like we do, who are disabled, or who cannot live a normal life for any other reason. These individuals quickly withdraw from [social life on] the island” [1]. An example are the many old men on Ikema-jima who develop drinking issues. Without having anything better to do, they start early in the morning, and just wait until the evening comes, drinking by themselves. “Our idea was that with Yarabu Tree, these people can get a job that they can do anytime anywhere, in their own pace, with people they like […]. Bit by bit, we touched upon different kinds of people and while we had never imagined that before, these people built relationships with one another. Of course, they receive money because that is important too, but what surprised us the most is how the relationship between the people on the island is changing gradually” [2].

After the shells are removed, the seeds are washed and dried in the sun. This process can take up to three months. Tomoko has tried to dry the seeds mechanically but concluded that much of the natural resin is lost in that way. When it is time, the seeds are turned into tamanu oil by using cold-pressing techniques. The oil is sold pure, as body oil, or mixed with the flowers of shell ginger (Alpinia zerumbet). The Yarabu Forest that Tomoko and her husband began will be turned into a commons when fully grown. In this way, everyone on the island can go and collect the seeds, crack the shells, and produce the oil by themselves.

Tamanu oil is a product of multi-species collaboration and co-habitation. Tree, bat, and human work together to secure each other’s livelihoods. “[When I first told the obaa-san and ojii-san about my plans], they were like, ‘that is definitely impossible! Those fallen things, let’s just throw them with the garbage’” [3]. Tomoko laughs and says that the locals still can hardly believe that people in big cities actually buy the product. This illustrates how tamanu oil creates a bridge between Ikema-jima’s local traditions and people in Japanese metropoles who support the island through buying the products. Tamanu oil also connects Miyako’s long-term residents and newcomers. “I think that you heard this as well, but it is true that the people who migrated [to the Miyako Islands] and the people from here usually do not have so much contact with one another. They have separate communities, and the migrants are not so interested or involved with the islanders, I believe. But the tamanu oil that we produce is made by the elderly of the island, you know. […] And the migrants are very interested in [the oil], which means that there is a connection after all, I think” [3].

[1] Interview with Tomoko Miwa, 23 March 2022.
[2] Interview with Tomoko Miwa, 23 March 2022.
[3] Interview with Tomoko Miwa, 23 March 2022.
[4] Interview with Tomoko Miwa, 23 March 2022.

by Cecilia Luzi

As many posts on this blog have shown, rural Japan is diverse. The experiences of living in rural areas vary according to geographical, economic or demographic conditions. But local or prefectural authorities, the central government and individual citizens spread an image of an idealized rural life which is highly homogeneous. Images of idealized rural lifestyles are not something new, and in times of the Covid pandemic, digital media are becoming the perfect tool to circulate new images of rural lifestyles.

Migrants use social media to share information about their lives and their jobs, often on a daily base. The great creativity in terms of creating jobs and businesses always strikes me when I go through migrants’ profiles. Many are owners of small independent businesses such as cafes, shops, guesthouses and wellness-related enterprises. This plurality in urban-rural migrants’ entrepreneurship was already discovered by other authors who have studied urban-rural migration in Japan. Among young urbanites’ reasons for leaving the metropolis is their desire to live and work in a community with close social ties and enjoyable interactions with people from this community [1].

Migrant entrepreneurs become part of social networks which extend beyond work. They participate in local markets, buy ingredients from small local farms, organize events for the town and receive help from and exchange vegetables with their neighbors. At the same time, they post about their lives on social media and receive comments and likes from all over Japan, sometimes from the entire world. What these social media profiles seem to suggest, or at least what migrants want followers to see, is that living and working in rural areas today does not lead to isolation and disconnectedness. On the contrary: it can lead to close local connections while at the same time virtual interactions allow migrants to cultivate the bonds with those left behind and maintain their social networks even beyond the place they live in.

Municipal and prefectural authorities also use official websites and social media to promote the life in the countryside. They aim to appeal to urban dwellers in pursuit of newcomers to rural areas. Local authorities tend to emphasize that rural environments offer rich and new possibilities for interactions with locals. However, finding a job or starting a new business can be a daunting task for newcomers who cannot count on their social safety net. Therefore, municipalities and prefectures provide measures to support work and occupation for migrants. These are at the heart of their rural revitalization strategies.

Recently, I observed something interesting on Nagasaki Prefecture’s website for prospective migrants, Nagasaki ijū-nabi. To the many pages full of support schemes and facilities, the prefecture added a link to a new section advertising remote work around September 2021. On this new website, the prefecture promotes events about remote working facilities and provides a list of several local initiatives and start-ups that support connectivity and remote work. My impression is that Nagasaki aims to expand the opportunities and the use of telework in many professions of the tertiary sector in order to attract people who want to leave Tokyo during the pandemic [2].

The message on Nagasaki prefecture’s website is simple: the prefecture provides in-migrants with all that is necessary to stay fully digitally connected and to be able to work remotely after migration. This way, they can have a fulfilling professional life while enjoying Nagasaki’s rich natural and cultural environments. Moreover, they can maintain the connections with the metropolis, while living “a better life” in the countryside with people who share their lifestyle.

In conclusion, exploring how migrants and local authorities showcase rural life in the digital space can help us to understand multiple layers of connectedness between rural and urban areas. Nowadays in Japan, the possibility for connections and social networks appears to be key to realize a good life in the countryside. Real world interactions are what many migrants aim for, while digital connections are what they bring to rural areas. I would say that the access to digital networks enables the sustainment of existing social and professional networks and the creation of new ones. Digital networks and remote work make rural lives possible for many migrants. One fundamental aspect of new rural lifestyles in contemporary Japan is social connections, both physical and digital.

References

[1]
Klien, S. (2020). Urban Migrants in Rural Japan: Between Agency and Anomie in a Post-Growth Society. Suny Press.

[2]
Ueda, M. (2020, 8 July). Urban exodus in cards as people find freedom in teleworking. The Asahi Shinbun. https://www.asahi.com/ajw/articles/13485555

[1]
Ritsumeikan Asia Pacific University, https:// apu.ac.jp/home/news/article/?storyid=3145 (last viewed on March 3^rd, 2022)

[2]
Official Journal of Arita Town, December 2019