Our team will take a break over the holidays. The blog will be back on January 10. Thank you for following our blog and for supporting our activities. Happy holidays and a happy new year!
This year, we have a special Christmas treat for you. Cornelia Reiher has edited a volume about processes of change in rural Japan during the COVID-19 pandemic. It contains a selection of posts from this blog and is available free of charge via the CrossAsia Open Access Repository: https://repository.crossasia.org/receive/crossasia_mods_00000588
Reiher, C. (Hg.), 2024. Lived experiences of crisis in rural Japan: An anthology on the transformation of communities and migration during the COVID-19 pandemic, Berlin: CrossAsia Open Access Repository, https://doi.org/10.48796/20241202-000
In the 1980s, the book “Kirikirijin” by Hisashi Inoue was published in Japan. At that time, no one could have known the impact that this book would have on the entire island nation. “Kirikirijin” is about a village in northeastern Japan that went head-to-head with the Japanese government. Due to their dissatisfaction with the policies of the central government, the village decided to declare their independence and form a micronation called “Kirikirikuni”. The central government tried everything to stop the newly formed nation, with little to no success. Technical and medical advancements and procedures forbidden in Japan were made possible in Kirikirikuni, giving them leverage and support.
The book became a huge success. All over the country, about 200 towns and villages decided to declare independence as a micronation, to the extent that it was called a boom in Japan. It has to be said that this was mostly for parody reasons and not to follow in the footsteps of the book, but the efforts made were more authentic than one might have expected. For example, one of these nations was the Republic of Alcohol. Founded in the former town of Mano, now known as Sado City in Niigata Prefecture, the Republic specialized in brewing alcohol, as one might expect. The micronation quickly gained nationwide recognition and was a major factor in the popularity of micronations and the connection between them as part of the United Nations, a group of mini-independent countries throughout Japan.
Another city that “declared independence” was the city of Nihonmatsu in Fukushima Prefecture, which formed the micronation “Niko Niko Republic”. It hosted various events, established its own House of Representatives, and stamped the passports of visitors. Even now, 40 years later, the memory of the republic is still close to the hearts of its residents. At first, the declaration of independence was only for marketing purposes, to promote the town’s onsen and give it a more unique character compared to the onsen of the neighboring village. This declaration of independence gave the republic great exposure and publicity. In addition, and due to a lack of money, the existing shops were given new signs declaring them as official ministries, giving the main street the feel of a theme park. They also invented a national anthem, a constitution, and even their own passports and currency. Slowly a national pride developed, students leaving for university were celebrated as exchange students and even greeted with parades when they completed their “exchange” (Watabe 2022).
In 2006, nearly two decades after its founding, the Republic was dissolved. This was due to an aging population and the lack of success of the onsen and the Republic itself, which led to the closure of businesses in the Republic and the micronation’s inability to support itself. Despite this, the republic is still remembered by its citizens, and many memorabilia such as signs, flags, and the self-created currency can be found all over the city. In 2021, 15 years after the Republic’s end, the town converted an old souvenir shop into the official Museum of the Republic of Niko Niko to offer the opportunity to relive and experience the events and charm of that time. Another reason for the new museum is the hope to raise awareness of the once cherished republic and to revive it. It can be said that even though the Republic has almost no online presence, it has achieved its goal of raising awareness, as people who attended Republic events as a child are beginning to get involved as organizers of new events, and even people younger than the Republic itself are advocating for the independent of Niko Niko Republic today. Despite these efforts, those involved in the revitalization efforts know that the Republic will never be the same. The goal is to rebuild the Republic in the old way, and then to create a newer and better place. Another goal of the revival of Niko Niko Republic is to provide inspiration for the younger generation, because the future of the town rests on their shoulders. (Watabe 2022).
The declaration of independence from Japan and the traction the town received from this action generated great revenue. Beginning with an attempt to make their onsen unique, a strong sense of “national pride” has developed through several generations and is contagious even to the new generations and young people long for a nation they barely know. With a successful revival of Niko Niko Republic, the town would be able to offer a unique form of rural tourism. This might help to counteract depopulation and economic decline in the area.
Ishigaki-shi, Japan’s southernmost city with a population of about 50,000 people, is located on Ishigaki-jima. The semi-tropical Yaeyama islands, the main island of Okinawa, Tokyo and other areas are connected by this transportation hub, which has attracted tourists and migrants. On the location of a former golf grounds, conservative city mayor Nakayama Yoshitaka claimed in 2016 that he had reached an agreement with the Ministry of Defense to build a new camp for the Japan Ground Self-Defense Force (JGSDF). Ever since, Yamazato Setsuko (born in 1937), a native of the island, has been leading the weekly standing protests against the military facility development. For the members’ average age of 74, the group is named the Ishigaki Grannies’ Society to Protect Life and Livelihood (Ishigaki no kurashi to inochi o mamoru obā tachi no kai). As the name suggests, Yamazato san’s actions go beyond just opposing the establishment of a military base. Years of continuous public protests can be time- and energy- consuming, and even sour relations within small communities. But why does Yamazato san feel the need to engage in peace activism so strongly?
I first learned about Yamazato san through a YouTube video that showed her and her fellow protesters chanting in Ishigaki Port in March 2023. They were protesting against the missiles that had been brought to and installed at the recently constructed Ishigaki Camp without the locals’ permission. In the following year, the documentary film director, Mikami Chie, published the film Ikusa-fumu (The War Clouds), which illustrates how the state-driven fortification efforts since the mid-2010s had gradually and dramatically altered rural societies and landscapes of the southwestern areas of Okinawa, including Ishigaki. Prominent locals are shown in this film, including Yamazato san, who is crucial to native narratives. During my first fieldwork in Okinawa in 2023, I had the opportunity to meet Yamazato san at her home. During a follow-up visit, I attended the documentary film’s premiere screening in Naha. The screening was followed by a talk with the director, where Yamazato san made an appearance as a speaker. Her journey as an activist demonstrates a deep commitment to her native island which runs through her professional endeavors and her personal worldview.
The motivation for Yamazato san’s lifelong commitment to protect island life has been a deep sense of regret. She is from a farming family and after the Pacific War on Ishigaki-jima in 1945, she and her grandmother were the only two survivors of their eight-person family. The years during the post-war American occupation were “another battlefield for survival” (interview with the author in September 2023). Nevertheless, in 1955, she was able to secure a respectable position with the U.S. Military Geology Survey (USGS) as a local field assistant. Leading the survey was female geologist Dr. Helen Foster, who recognized Yamazato san’s strength and appreciated her advice to safeguard the team from natural dangers. In return, the young Yamazato san gained valuable work experiences: She improved her English skills, learned how to collect data, took a jeep to all the creeks on the island and spent some time in Tokyo to finish the colored maps that were to be sent to Washington. Her interests, however, gradually turned towards reviving the traditional lifestyles she had learnt firsthand from her grandmother. These included farming, writing songs in regional ballad forms and recovering the customs of local silk weavers.
In the late 1970s, she was involved in an environmental movement to oppose a plan of new airport construction on the Shiraho Shore, which would have devastated the rich coral reef. While researching the project’s background, she was shocked to discover that the blueprint was based on the geological inquiry she was working on. “I still feel a strong deal of regret for what I did back then. Even though I was working for a salary, I was contributing to a process that would eventually result in the destruction of my native island” (interview with the author in September 2023). She then understood that any significant initiatives for external development on Ishigaki-jima are inevitably linked to military objectives. In 1989, the group appealed to the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) to lobby the Japanese Government, whereupon construction of the airport was halted but moved to another location on the island. She considers this to be only a partial victory as their ultimate goal was to stop construction completely.
Yamazato san’s lifelong exposures to various foreign institutions gave her profound ideas for protecting her native land. When I asked her to define peace, her answer was clear: the ability to pass on her inherited way of lifestyle and livelihood to future generations. The quality of peace, she is seeking for, is to preserve her ancestral homeland as intact as possible. Developmentalism is often linked to state-led military buildup in order to counteract rural depopulation. On Ishigaki-shi’s 75th city anniversary, Mayor Nakayama proudly declared in July 2023 that the population had surpassed 50,000, citing the deployment of Camp Ishigaki in addition to general local economic revitalization as the primary drivers (Ryūkyū Shinpō 2023). Countering this dominant discourse of a military-driven economic boom, Yamazato san and her friends warned that the military bases have the potential to take away local autonomy once again. And Yamazato san is aware that many people on the island morally support her group’s protests despite the fact that they appear to be alone when they protest on the street.
References:
Haino, Akira (2022), “Tokushū otome-tachi no sensō 3: Setsu-chan oba no sensō (Special Series: The war of the maidens No.3: Setsuko grandma’s war),” Gekkan YAIMA 334, 6, pp.14-25.
Mikami, Chie (2024), “Ikusa-fumu: Yōsaika suru Okinawa, Shimajima no Kiroku (War clouds: The fortification of Okinawa and its records on the islands),” Tokyo: Shūeisha Shinsho.
Mikami, Chie (2024), “Ikusa-fumu(War Clounds) (Documentary Film)” 2024, https://ikusafumu.jp/ (retrieved on 3 July 2024).
Oaten, James, Lisa McGregor, and Yumi Asada (2003), “There is no end of war for us,“ ABC News, https://www.abc.net.au/news/2023-02-16/japan-ishigaki-military-base-remilitarisation-counter-china/101869542 (retrieved on 3 July 2024).
Ryūkyū Shinpō, ”Ishigaki-shi no jinkō ga gomannin o toppa”(The Ishigaki City population has exceeded 50,000)” on 10 July 2023, https://ryukyushimpo.jp/news/entry-1744966.html, (retrieved on 9 July 2024).
Nakako Hattori Ishimaru (nakako.hattori2@fu-berlin.de)is a research assistant at the Institute of Japanese Studies at Freie Universität Berlin (FUB) and a doctoral candidate at the Graduate School of East Asian Studies (GEAS). Her main research interests include international cooperation, welfare states, security politics of Japan, war-peace narratives and collective identity formation.
Every time I hear the name of the city where I lived during my student exchange in Japan, I feel a wave of nostalgia. It has been a while since I last set foot in Japan, but the memories are still very clear. When I discussed with my mother that I would indeed prefer not to spend a year in New Zealand to “find myself,” but rather embark on a unique adventure, I was unprepared for two things: That she would d’accord and that I would end up in Fujisawa SST, a state-of-the-art, sustainable town in the middle of Fujisawa City in Kanagawa County. From January to June 2016, Fujisawa SST turned into my home, and every day into a unique experience in its own right. Yet in spite of this, I do not believe I had ever been as lazy in my whole life: With its own internal grocery store, library, vidéothèque, health facilities etc., I could run errands without ever leaving town. Within the artificial, wireless, card-controlled walls of Fujisawa SST, everything I needed was within reach, creating a sense of convenience that was hard to match. I can still remember the first morning: “Jishin da. Jishin da.” [An earthquake, an earthquake.]. It was an unusual way to start the day, but as even the earthquake radar in my host family‘s state-of-the-art home with all its the latest technology was equipped with speakers a hearty amount of decibels louder than average, I felt truly safe… and blessed.
The sense of community within the town was also undeniable. Even as my language and overall communicative skills left a lot to be desired, I could not help but strike up the occasional conversation. The town had always exuded a lively and “hip” atmosphere, and from what I could gather from images, that spirit hasn’t changed over the years. Quite the opposite: It has achieved remarkable milestones since. As of September 7, 2022, the number of visitors who have taken the official tour of Fujisawa SST exceeded 35,000, a testament to its growing popularity, which is likely to grow due to the rising demand for renewable energy within the country. The commitment to sustainability is evident in Fujisawa SST‘s highest S Rank certification for Urban Development. It makes sense: Despite my admittedly passive attitude at the time towards climate-related issues, the extensive use of renewable energy stood out to me also. Solar-generated electricity, with panels on top of every house, with the added promise of powering neighboring areas in the event of an outage – The commitment to sustainable practices is commendable.
The town’s emphasis on mobility through an internal car rental delivery service, battery stations for renting rechargeable batteries, and excellent Wi-Fi infrastructure continues to contribute to a high degree of mobility and convenience for residents. Moreover, the focus on community and the provision of care facilities for the elderly showcase Fujisawa SST‘s forward-thinking approach to urban planning: A new senior residence is set to open just next year. At the time, I remember a large portion of citizens in town being parents in their mid-30s with their children, but I would not be surprised if the latest strides towards increased inclusion of the elderly encouraged also that demographic to spend their twilight years in quaint Fujisawa by the sea. What also emphasizes the town’s commitment to creating an inclusive and supportive environment, is the more recent inclusion of an English version of the promotional pamphlet online. Promoting cultural exchange in my eyes will be an essential element in combatting shōshi kōreika moving forward, so this change is greatly appreciated. However, I believe I shall refrain from „meeting, incubating and initiating“ like the pamphlet suggests I do.
An additional aspect I found peculiar browsing through the updated website was the concept of “Life Record” housing records, which document house maintenance. The supposed „collection of real-life conditions“ during sleep to improve residents’ sleep cycles also echoed a somewhat Orwellian undertone. It is crucial to reflect on the ethical implications of such measures, even within the context of a technologically advanced town like Fujisawa SST, which to my knowledge, has also not been sufficiently branched out beyond the walls of Fujisawa SST itself. After seven years, I do have to admit I was hoping for more progress on a grander scale. However, it goes without saying that the Fujisawa SST remains a remarkable achievement in forward-looking, sustainable technology that I hope will be adopted in other regions of the country in the near future.
During my university exchange to Japan from April 2022 to March 2023, I lived in Okayama City, which is located in Okayama Prefecture in western Japan. Although many of my fellow Japanese students described the city with its 700,000 inhabitants as a rural area (inaka), I wanted to experience “real rural Japan.” Therefore, I made many trips to different areas of Okayama Prefecture where I could see how farming is done in Japan, and once I even had the opportunity to talk to some farmers during their break at a small farm store (michi no eki). When we talked about urban-rural migrants in Japan during a seminar by Cornelia Reiher, my experiences in rural Okayama were the reason why I decided to find out more about urban-rural migration in Okayama Prefecture.
Like most other prefectures, Okayama runs a website for people thinking of moving to rural Okayama. There you can find many interviews of migrants who tell their story and give some tips for other people who want to relocate. I selected two families who moved to rural Okayama and while they are very different, they also have some things in common. The first family is a mixed couple. She is from Japan and he is from the United States. They have three young children and used to live in New York before deciding to move to the small town of Wake in eastern Okayama Prefecture. They telecommute as VFX designers and web designers. The reason they moved to Wake is that they like the education system in Japan, which is also cheaper than in the United States. They explain that tuition in the United States is too expensive to raise three children. At the same time, they wanted their children to grow up in a quiet, green, and healthy environment. In New York, they describe, it is often too noisy and they cannot concentrate or relax. So they decide to move to a rural area of Japan, where they also like the scenery and nature. They really like living in Wake because of nature and because they can relax there. [1]
The second family moved from Osaka to Kibichuo, which is about 50 km northwest of Okayama City. They are introduced via video on the YouTube channel of Okayama Prefecture. While sitting in front of horses, they explain why they moved to rural Okayama. The man used to work as a systems engineer at a company in Osaka. In his spare time, he often attended horse races. While spending time there, he decided to change his life and do something related to horses. He found out that there are old or debilitated racehorses that are killed because they can no longer be used as racehorses. So he decided to start a horse farm that would give these horses a place to live and looked for land big enough for this purpose and finally found some suitable places. The family visited these places and finally decided to move to Kibichuo. Today, they not only run a horse farm, but also a riding school, where especially children can learn to ride. [2]
The motivations of the two families to move to rural Okayama are quite different. The first family moved to rural Okayama for their children’s education and because they prefer to live in nature, while the second family moved because the father decided to change his profession. The lifestyles of the two families are also very different. While the first family is still working in their old profession, the second family changed their profession completely. However, the reasons why both families chose to live where they do now are the same: the local community welcomed them. Both families report that they talked to nice administrative staff in their new places of residence. They helped them with problems and made initial contacts within the local community. As a result, both families are now integrated into the local community, which they both describe as necessary for successful migration. This shows that not only physical things like good infrastructure or financial support are important for rural migrants, but also friendliness of the administrative staff and the local community. This is probably not only true for Okayama, but could also apply to other rural areas in Japan. This is a topic I would like to do more research on in the future.
Due to Japan’s shrinking and aging society, there is an immense shortage of technically qualified workers in Japan. This problem is particularly evident in rural Japan. To create a modern society, a digital transformation is necessary and the Japanese government has made digital transformation, or DX, a central point of its policy and is promoting the further development of computer and communications technologies. Against the backdrop of the Corona pandemic, DX was promoted more vehemently, while at the same time, bureaucratic procedures and even communication between various government agencies were hampered by the lack of digital technology. For example, many documents still require the hanko, an individual stamp, and communication between different departments was not possible due to the lack of a unified video conferencing system. [1]
The Japanese government has issued a digitalization strategy, the Digital National Garden City Concept (Dejitaru denen toshi kokka kōsō), which aims to develop a more advanced technical infrastructure at multiple levels. It sets out how the Japanese government will implement digital transformation over the next five years and is intended to guide local governments in building a better digital infrastructure. Developing digital human resources, i.e., a skilled, knowledgeable digital workforce, is central to the strategy. The policy promises to support the development of digital human resources. Therefore, the dissemination of information about career paths in the digital sector will be expanded and information about online learning platforms and financial support will be made more readily available. This will include e-learning opportunities, especially for women with children. In addition, vocational training in the digital sector is also supported with subsidies. Prefectures and their respective governments will be supported in building up their digital resources. This can take the form of training offers or support for local companies or initiatives. In addition, positive examples will serve as guidance for other prefectures. [2]
One example of such a successful initiative is the Oita Creative Academy, or OCA for short. It is a vocational school that focuses on teaching IT-related knowledge. The courses range from web engineering and design to photographic technology. It advertises its flexible admissions policies and customizable courses. The school says it is willing to adapt and improve to meet the needs of its students. Students vary massively in background and profession, from stay-at-home moms to newcomers, and even government employees are enrolled. The teachers are employed in the IT industry in Oita, which the school touts as a great advantage as they can act as mentors and guide the students.
Since the Corona pandemic, the school has expanded its courses to online formats, which not only allows for easier access, but also increases the total number of students enrolled. As described in the government paper, this could also be a way to allow others, such as mothers with young children, to take their courses. The OCA is not the only established initiative aimed at transforming Oita into a city with a significant IT industry. Many initiatives have emerged with Oita-based IT companies to further transform Oita. Already established IT companies have joined forces to help each other and share knowledge, especially with regard to the next generations of digital human resources. This is not only to help keep the companies alive, but also to attract new companies to Oita and make Oita a leading IT city. [3]
By supporting these companies and their efforts to develop a diverse skilled workforce willing to stay in rural areas by developing the areas themselves, the Japanese government tries to take steps to overcome their problems. Implementation of the DX strategy could help cities such as Oita to attract young, skilled people and stop rural depopulation. It can also help build educational institutions and subsequently create a workforce that will help Japan be globally compatible. The government’s strategy makes clear what is considered necessary to achieve DX and how local governments can apply for financial support. By making the development of a digitally skilled workforce a key point of the strategy, the implementation of DX can be further advanced. However, it remains to be seen to what extent the Japanese government can achieve the goals it has set for itself and how problems such as the lack of technical hardware and the shortage of workers, can be overcome.
References [1] Schaede, U. & Shimizu, K. (2022), “The Digital Transformation and Japan’s Political Economy.” Cambridge University Press. [2] Cabinet Office of Japan (2022), “Dejitaru denen toshi kokka kōsō [Digital National Garden City Concept].”https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/seisaku/digital_denen/pdf/20221223_honbun.pdf, last viewed on July 09th, 2023. [3] Furuya, Fuuka (2021), “Onsen no machi kara IT no machi e: Kagi wa kigyō renkei to jinzai ikusei” [Von einer Onsenstadt zu einer IT-Stadt: Der Schlüssel liegt in der Zusammenarbeit von Unternehmen und der Ausbildung von Fachkräften], in Turns 54, pp. 54-59.
* Joane Opfer is a student in the BA program in Japanese Studies at Freie Universität Berlin.
Susanne Klien is a professor at Hokkaido University and the author of the book Urban Migrants in Rural Japan: Between Agency and Anomie in a Post-growth Society (2020). She has supported our project from the beginning and participated in several of our events. In August 2023, Susanne came to Berlin again to participate in our PhD workshop “Urban-Rural Migration in Japan” at Freie Universität Berlin. I took the opportunity to interview her for our blog and talked to her about rural Japan research, urban-rural migration and the future of rural areas.
Cornelia Reiher: When did you start researching rural Japan and why?
Susanne Klien: That was quite a long time ago. I think it was in the early 2000s when I had the opportunity to do research on the Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennale and that was my introduction to rural Japan. I was very fascinated by older farmers and people living in the countryside. I never had the opportunity to talk to these people before, and it gave me a completely different view of Japan. Japan is often associated with the gaming industry, with cosplay, with everything that is somehow urban or thought to be urban, but I think it’s very important to explore Japan from a rural point of view as well. I would say that the rural is often associated with agriculture and with older people, but recently there are also many other aspects of rural life that could be urban as well, so I would be very careful about defining rural Japan as related to the past. I would even argue that rural Japan can in some ways be seen as the future of Japan because we have severe depopulation in Japan and this is a problem that will be a problem for all developed countries in the future. So we could even consider rural Japan as the vanguard of contemporary Japan.
Cornelia Reiher: You have been doing research in rural Japan for many years. Have you noticed any changes or new developments during this time?
Susanne Klien: Yes, big changes. I think there are a lot of funding opportunities, and that has led to more and more people going to rural Japan. They try to live in rural Japan, even if they are not so interested in rural areas at first. But eventually, they like it there very much and they stay there. So there is a larger number of people who move to rural Japan, including people who like city life very much. But they find, especially during and after the pandemic, that living in rural areas with fewer people, more space and easier access to food has many advantages. Especially in urban areas, food can be scarce, for example, during a disaster. I think living in rural Japan can also give people a sense of security.
Cornelia Reiher: You mentioned that many people move from the cities to the countryside. What role do these urbanites moving to the countryside play in the future of rural Japan?
Susanne Klien: I think they can help local people see their villages, their places, from a new perspective. They can help them understand what makes their places attractive to newcomers. I think they can also help to reinterpret local food. By using local ingredients, newcomers can contribute a lot beyond the economic sphere, for example in terms of intergenerational exchange. Newcomers can cook and eat with the elderly and offer new perspectives to older people who normally don’t meet so many young people. I think urban-rural migration has many advantages.
Cornelia Reiher: Many young scholars are now interested in rural Japan. Do you have any advice to them? Is there anything they should look out for when studying rural Japan?
Susanne Klien: I think there are many issues to think about. More research needs to be done on many aspects of rural Japan, but I think one topic that is particularly pressing is human and non-human entanglements. For example, research on rural Japan from a non-human perspective or on the nature of exchanges between humans and non-humans in rural Japan is very interesting. But also dealing with exhaustion, a sense of fatigue and tiredness during fieldwork in rural Japan is important because these are problems many researchers have experienced, I think.
As one of the leading countries struggling with a shrinking and aging population, Japan is facing serious challenges such as rural depopulation and the decline of local industries. Many businesses face an uncertain future when it comes to finding a potential successor, and this issue is particularly evident in the agricultural sector, where the average age of farmers in Japan has reached the age of 68 (Schaede & Shimizu, 2022, p. 18). This sector, traditionally characterized by long hours and strenuous labor, is desperately in need of young and educated workers—an increasingly scarce resource. However, Digital Transformation (DX) – a prevalent term in the vocabulary of any modern Japanese politician – is in the process of revolutionizing countless sectors in Japan offering new solutions to these pressing issues. Introduced by the Japanese government in 2022, the “Digital Rural City State Concept” (dejitaru denen toshi kokka kōsō) underscores the significance assigned to DX, as it is a broad strategy designed to invigorate rural regions through the promotion of innovative technologies. At the same time, DX has given rise to what the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) calls “smart agriculture” (sumāto nōgyō), which is said to hold the potential to revolutionize labor-intensive sectors and breathe new life (and labor) into them (MAFF, n.d.).
MAFF has defined smart agriculture as an innovative form of agriculture that incorporates cutting-edge technologies, such as robotics and information and communication technology (ICT), with the purpose of enhancing labor efficiency and improving the quality of production (MAFF, n.d.). The digital transformation facilitates the integration of large data sets (Big Data) into agricultural practices (Smartagri, 2019). This data, procured through devices like sensors, simplifies the interpretation of growth conditions and aids in the identification of diseases among other environmental variables (Smartagri, 2019). Moreover, automation through drones or other robotic technologies can be employed to perform labor-intensive tasks, such as pesticide application or harvesting specific crops (Smartagri, 2019). Although such robots have traditionally been limited to large-scale farms due to their associated high initial costs, gradual efforts are being undertaken to increase their affordability for future use at the level of the individual farmer (Smartagri, 2019). Vertical Farming, defined by its indoor, layered, fully regulated and automated environments using artificial lightning, serves as another example of smart agriculture (Schaede & Shimizu, 2022, p. 34). This approach maximizes output by controlling numerous crucial factors, freeing agriculture from geographical constraints, weather conditions and seasonal restrictions, thereby providing significantly higher yields compared to conventional farming methods throughout the year (Schaede & Shimizu, 2022, p. 18).
Concurrently, the digital transformation, often referred to as the fourth industrial revolution, has also resulted in the emergence of what MAFF has termed the new “sixth sector” (Schaede & Shimizu, 2022, p. 35). This sector synergizes all three sectors of an economy – extraction of raw materials, manufacturing, and services (or sales) – symbolized mathematically by the product of 1x2x3, hence the name, the sixth sector (Schaede & Shimizu, 2022, p. 18). Through the incorporation of new advances in production and the internet in the distribution of products, farmers can not only produce but also process and sell products directly to consumers. Furthermore, the Internet of Things (IoT) makes it possible to understand market trends and consumer needs, paving the way for cost-effective production, distribution, and sales (Smartagri, 2019).
The potential of DX, and through it, the sixth sector, to revolutionize agriculture and spawn new business models has been exemplified by a farmer featured in the magazine “Turns”. Despite his lack of experience, he relocated to Yamamoto in Miyagi Prefecture to start his own business as a farmer (Inui, 2021). Drawing on the IT skills he had acquired from his previous job in Tokyo, he learned from local farmers and soon launched his own venture using a wide range of technologies (Inui, 2021). Sharing his data gathered through IoT systems, he facilitated a novel approach to integrating data into farming, which had been historically reliant on experience and intuition (Inui, 2021). By setting up a training program for prospective farmers alongside the establishment of a brand for direct sales of his own strawberry products such as wine, jam and sweets through online platforms and his own store in Tokyo, he managed not only to raise his personal standard of living but also to contribute to his community by attracting both tourists and potential farmers (Inui, 2021). This aligns with the ideal scenario as envisaged by MAFF that aims to expand the sixth industrialization efforts and actively connect agriculture with secondary industries like food manufacturing and tertiary industries such as tourism, thereby creating new value-added products, leveraging local resources, attracting young IT-educated workers and reviving local communities (MAFF, n.d.).
However, despite the demonstrated potential of DX, it still encounters substantial challenges in terms of large-scale application. Issues such as the high costs and technological complexities of new technologies (Smartagri, 2019), as well as intellectual property protection concerns still require solutions (Schaede & Shimizu, 2022, p. 37). Moreover, in the Digital National Garden City Concept, the Japanese government recognized the need to develop suitable agricultural areas, such as large plots of farmland to utilize automated agricultural machinery (CAO, 2022, p. 76). This plan also acknowledges the necessity of making adjustments in Japan’s numerous mountainous regions that complicate the use of such machinery (CAO, 2022, p. 76). Thus, it remains to be seen to what degree these issues can be resolved to facilitate digitalization’s potential contribution towards rejuvenating the agricultural sector and consequently, rural areas in Japan.
References Cabinet Office of Japan. (2022). Dejitaru denen toshi kokka kōsō [Digital National Garden City Concept]. https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/seisaku/digital_denen/pdf/20221223_honbun.pdf. Inui, H. (2021). DX ga kaeru nōgyō to chiiki no mirai [Agriculture Transformed by DX and the Future of Regions]. Turns, 46,p. 54-59. Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries of Japan. (n.d.). Rokuji sangyōka to wa [What is 6th industrialization?]. https://www.maff.go.jp/j/nousin/inobe/6jika/attach/pdf/index-1.pdf. Schaede, U. & Shimizu, K. (2022). The Digital Transformation and Japan’s Political Economy. Cambridge University Press. Smartagri. (2019). Sumāto nōgyō to wa donna mono ka? ICT o katsuyō shita nōgyō no meritto to dōnyū no kadai [What is ‘Smart Agriculture’? The Benefits and Challenges of Implementing ICT in Agriculture]. Smartagri. https://smartagri-jp.com/smartagri/20.
*Christian Ditzler is a student in the BA program in Japanese Studies at Freie Universität Berlin.
Political scientists often argue that it is impossible to discount the weight of cultural and historical influences on governance (see for example Conrad 2006). Nagasaki Prefecture, located in the picturesque northwest corner of Kyushu Island, is a region defined by rich history and culture. To delve into the interplay of culture and governance, a crucial question arises: to what extent does culture influence the governance of regional revitalization in Nagasaki? A core feature of Nagasaki’s cultural landscape is its historical interaction with foreign countries. One example for this extensive interaction with the outside is the establishment of Dejima island in 1635 by the bakufu. Dejima transformed Nagasaki into a pivotal international trading hub, leading to a phase of prosperity (Willis 2007).
However, some actors involved in regional revitalization believe that this transformation in the past has consequences even today. A leader of a prominent financial institution in Nagasaki and recipient of a special award from the Rural Revitalization Minister – pointed out that the bakufu ‘s decision to designate Nagasaki as Japan’s global gateway and the economic growth it brought about, might have “influenced the mindset of Nagasaki’s people” (interview, 15/09/2022) that is also present in Nagasaki’s contemporary governance. It shows in Nagasaki’s reliance on the central government and on international networks. An academic specialized in regional development and public-private cooperation, who has been advising the prefectural government on regional development told me: “Large development projects in Nagasaki were typically initiated by the central government and contracted out to the private sector” (online interview, 04/10/2022). This tendency to rely on the central government and big projects was also affirmed by a prefectural assemblywoman who underscored that Nagasaki’s historical development strategies, which are based on construction, shipbuilding, and government funding, are still prioritized by many prefectural politicians in Nagasaki even today (interview, 03/10/2022).
The other continuity from the past is Nagasaki’s effort to revitalize through internationalization. A historical study by Ma (2023) shows Nagasaki’s efforts to revive its past development and culture through internationalization with the “Nagasaki Urban Renaissance” initiative of 2001. The initiative was more than an economic plan that solely focuses on growth. It was rather an attempt to diversify from heavy industries, turning Nagasaki into a hub that would attract resources from diverse sectors such as tourism, media, and shipping (Ma, 2023, p. 317). When asked about her vision for Nagasaki Prefecture, the assemblywoman mentioned above said she dreams of a Nagasaki Prefecture that could leverage its international history for development. She noted that instead of only relying on the national government for diplomacy, Nagasaki should promote international relations at both the prefectural and individual levels. Her vision further illustrates Nagasaki’s changing culture of governance, slowly moving away from centralization towards collaborative governance. This collaborative governance also reflects in what other interview partners told me about an increased push towards industries like traditional crafts and tourism through public-private partnerships, moving away from heavy industries and centralized governance (online interview, 04/10/2022). The cases of Goto Island and Hasami Town, where the private sector and civil society have been proactive in driving development efforts, were often discussed as success stories by the respondents, illustrating Nagasaki’s gradual move towards diverse development strategies and collaborative governance (interview, 03/10/2022). In summary, Nagasaki offers an intriguing example for the role of culture in regional revitalization and its governance. Nagasaki’s history is significant. How this pivot towards a collaborative governance model in recent times is related to culture and the past should be further explored as the evolving interplay of culture and governance is a fascinating topic.
References Conrad, Burkhard. 2006. “Informal Politics.” Hamburg Review of Social Sciences 1 (3): 256–72. Ma, Scott. 2023. “Global History in Two Chronotopes: Time, Identify and the Practical Past in Nagasaki, Japan, 1990 and 2006.” Rethinking History 27 (2): 312–39. Willis, David B. 2007. “Dejima: Creolization and Enclaves of Difference in Transnational Japan.” In Transcultural Japan: At the Borderlands of Race, Gender and Identity, 239–63. New York: Routledge.
At the end of 2018, I did an international youth volunteer service in a retirement home in Hiroshima City for one year and was fascinated by the area. The city center itself is not as big as in other Japanese cities such as Kyoto, Osaka or Tokyo, but it offered everything I needed. I lived on the outskirts of the city. I come from Berlin, so it felt very much like country life. But I felt connected to nature for the first time in my life, which went hand in hand with a sense of freedom. Since I have so many fond memories of Hiroshima, I would want to live there again. As in my case, where you move can be by chance. But often, people move to places they already have a connection with. This is true for two Japanese families who decided to move to a small town in Hiroshima Prefecture away from the crowded city and towards more freedom. But how much freedom do families have when they bring their children? In this post, I will introduce the experience of two families who moved to the countryside.
Takanori and Mikasa moved from Tokyo to a small town in the northeast of Hiroshima Prefecture in 2021 because city life became too stressful for them and they wanted to take over Mikasa’s grandparents’ house. They had the house renovated and live there with their two young daughters. Digital transformation allows them to do many things digitally “thanks” to the Corona pandemic. Takanori is employed in Tokyo but now works remotely. This is very compatible with his family life, as he can now spend more time with them. Mikasa, meanwhile, works in their field. They love having food, work and their children in one place and often eat home-grown vegetables, rice and meat from wild boar and deer that Takanori has hunted himself. The older daughter, however, feels lonely at times because she left her friends behind in Tokyo, but also enjoys spending time with her new friends, even though her class consists of only eight students. The younger daughter, on the other hand, likes to collect horsetails and chestnuts by the wayside, which makes family walks much longer. The family really enjoys spending time together in nature. Mikasa believes that her children can gain experiences in the countryside that would not be possible in Tokyo [1].
Jinsaku was born in Hiroshima City and moved from Tochigi Prefecture to a small town in the southeast of Hiroshima Prefecture. In Tochigi, he had worked for a large machine manufacturer and then quit because he began to doubt his life as an employee as he was constantly under time pressure. He became a farmer and has to work hard every day. He became interested in the small town where he now lives when he saw a 150-year-old house there. He rebuilt it and now earns a living there. His dream was to have a happy home with a family, which came true when he married and had two daughters. With his wife Chiaki, he initially grew and sold vegetables, but this was not enough to support the family, so they decided to focus on viticulture. This helped to support the family financially. Together with the children, they eat some home-grown vegetables, but now spend most of their time growing grapes [2].
These two examples show that work-life balance seems to be quite possible, but both families sacrifice a lot of time to farming, and one family struggled to maintain a stable income. Takanori had the opportunity to continue his old job remotely from Tokyo. So he has a stable income and is also financially independent from farming. This means that the family could make a living even if Mikasa did not earn so much money from farming. This gives the family security. Jinsaku, on the other hand, has become dependent on farming and therefore has to sacrifice more time. The pressure to feed his family is correspondingly higher. So in terms of livelihood and income, the experiences of these two families are very different. But whether part-time farming or full-time farming, both are physically demanding and should not be underestimated. However, rural life for a family does of course have its nice sides, because the children can move freely outdoors, they can eat the harvested vegetables together with the family and the family can spend time together in nature, which would be difficult to do in a big city.
